 But Michels said a look further back into Russian history is required to appreciate the sense of destiny that drives Vladimir Putin, with his purposefulness rooted in how he (falsely) interprets ages-old Ukrainian-Russian history. Writes Michels: “I am surprised that the Western press has not covered Putin’s rapture with Russian Orthodox Church and religion, especially the myths of Holy Russia and St. Vladimir. In my opinion, these and similar historical myths are crucial underpinnings of Russia’s conflict with Ukraine. They provide the basic elements for what the American historian Richard Hofstadter has called ‘a paranoid style.’” A Q&A with Michels can be read here: https://news.ucr.edu/articles/2022/03/09/missing-piece-about-putin-and-ukraine Some excerpts from the Q&A: Q: How important are Russian Orthodoxy and Russian Orthodox Church for Putin? A: Very important. The Russian Orthodox Church is providing much of the symbolism and ideology that Putin has used to cement his popularity… Putin has been flaunting his religious faith; he is often seen on television praying, crossing himself, kissing icons, and lighting candles. Priests have held ceremonies to bless Putin, and Patriarch Kirill has called Putin “a miracle of God.” Putin’s Orthodoxy it is less about spirituality and faith than about religious performance. It derives from the Kremlin’s mythologization of Russia’s historical past. Q: Who was St. Vladimir, or Vladimir the Great, and how has he influenced Putin’s thinking? A: Putin considers Vladimir “the savior of Russia” and has promoted the cult of Vladimir. To him Kiev and Crimea, where Vladimir was baptized, are “sacred Russian lands.” Q: What is the historic significance of Kiev/Kyiv for Russian Orthodoxy and Putin? A: A close look at Patriarch Kirill’s choice of words during his Sunday sermon reveals that he equates “Holy Russia” with “Holy Rus’’ (Sviataia Rus’). The medieval state of Rus’ was founded in the 9th century by Vikings to control trade routes connecting Scandinavia with the Byzantine Empire (Constantinople) and the Abbasid Empire in the Middle East (Baghdad). The capital of this Viking state was Kiev; in the year 988 the ruler of Kievan Rus’, the Viking Prince Woldemar, converted to Eastern Orthodoxy on Crimea and adopted the Christian name Vladimir. He later was made a saint for this act. According to the now-dominant Russian nationalist view, Vladimir was the founding father of the first Russian state and the Russian Orthodox Church. State and church formed a productive symbiosis and Kiev became the cradle of Russian civilization. The destruction of Rus’ by the Mongols in the 13th century was a world historical tragedy, but the legacy survived in Moscow where the descendants of Vladimir established a second Russian state—the core of the future Russian Empire. This is how the nationalist narrative presents the Kievan past and its legacy; there is no room for Ukrainians in this narrative. Q: Would an intervention by Patriarch Kirill influence Putin? A: It’s an impossible question, because the patriarch stands firmly behind Putin. Reading the sermons and speeches published on the Russian patriarchate’s website (patriarchia.ru) you get the sense that the patriarch lives in a parallel universe. He seems to be truly convinced that the conflict in Ukraine is about saving Holy Russia – the imagined harmony of state, church, and nation of the early Middle Ages. Q: Is there a parallel between Christian nationalism in the U.S. and the Christian nationalism in Russia? A: Yes (however) I believe Christian nationalism is much more deeply rooted in Russia since it can be traced back to the 19th century when Russian church and state acted in unison to fight the influx of western ideas of democracy and popular sovereignty. Christian Orthodox nationalism was then used as a weapon to fight revolutionaries (many of them women), demonize civil liberties and parliamentarism, and suppress non-Russian minorities. For Putin, Russian Orthodox nationalism serves a similar function but it also has completely blinded him to the strong spirit of popular resistance in Ukraine. The denial of this powerful reality is going to haunt the Putin regime for a long time to come just as it haunted the tsarist regime. Let’s not forget Ukrainians played crucial roles in the collapse of the Russian (1917) and Soviet empires (1991). |